Feminist political economy and Boko Haram: Gender, power, and unintended outcomes
Power distribution and resource control determine governance structures and societal norms in every society. These dynamics, especially when viewed through a gender lens, reveal more profound insights into how communities are structured, and how gender relations evolve.
In simple terms, whoever holds power controls the resources, has a public voice, makes decisions, and is valued in society.
Feminist political economy provides a framework for analysing these intersections, integrating feminist theories with political economy to investigate how gender inequalities are shaped, perpetuated, and sometimes challenged within economic systems.
This perspective is particularly relevant in understanding Boko Haram’s evolution, strategies, and unintended consequences, especially regarding the exploitation of gender relations and the responses it provoked.
Read more: Eliminating gender-based violence
Feminist political economy underscores that economic systems are inherently gendered and deeply influenced by societal power dynamics. It seeks to analyse how gender shapes economic processes and outcomes, and, in turn, how these systems reinforce or challenge existing gender norms and inequalities.
This approach is not merely academic; it provides practical insights into how economic structures and policies can perpetuate or dismantle inequalities.
In the case of Boko Haram, this framework allows us to understand how the group manipulated existing gendered power structures to consolidate control, exploit resources, and terrorise communities.
The genesis of Boko Haram and its gendered dynamics
Boko Haram emerged in 2002 under the leadership of Mohammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno State, northeastern Nigeria.
Yusuf’s rhetoric centred on the rejection of secularisation, which he argued was imposed by corrupt Muslim leaders, and on the marginalisation of the local community. This message resonated deeply with a population disillusioned by years of neglect and perceived moral decay.
The group’s early years saw it function as a sect advocating for a return to Islamic purity, with its governance systems reflecting this ideology.
In 2009, after a government crackdown led to Yusuf’s death, the group re-emerged under Abubakar Shekau’s leadership. Under Shekau, Boko Haram became increasingly militant, declaring its aim to wrestle power from the Nigerian state and establish an Islamic caliphate.
By 2014, the group’s influence had expanded significantly, culminating in the infamous kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls from Chibok, an act that drew international outrage.
By 2015, Boko Haram controlled a territory the size of Belgium and declared itself the Islamic State’s West African Province.
Central to this transformation was the group’s exploitation of gendered power structures and economic systems.
Weaponising gender in terrorism
Northeastern Nigeria, where Boko Haram operates, is characterised by deep-seated gender inequalities and rigid structural norms. These systemic inequalities create hierarchies that have long disadvantaged women and girls, rendering them vulnerable to exploitation.
Boko Haram’s leaders recognised and weaponised these vulnerabilities, making gendered violence a cornerstone of their strategy.
Sexual violence as a tool of terror
Boko Haram employed sexual violence not just as a by-product of conflict, but as a deliberate weapon. Kidnappings, forced marriages, sexual slavery, rape, and trafficking became standard tactics for the group.
These acts served multiple purposes – destabilising communities, instilling fear, and destroying social cohesion.
Women and girls were instrumentalised not only as victims, but also as tools for perpetuating the group’s ideology. For example, forced pregnancies and marriages were intended to create a generation loyal to the group, while sexual violence against women served to humiliate and subjugate communities.
Exploitation of structural norms
The group’s use of women extended beyond victimisation. Boko Haram also exploited societal norms that relegated women to the margins, transforming them into unlikely agents of violence. Women and girls were coerced or manipulated into becoming suicide bombers, carrying out attacks that extended the group’s reach and influence.
By capitalising on gender stereotypes, Boko Haram manipulated the perception of women as non-threatening to infiltrate secure areas and execute attacks.
Economic exploitation in a gendered context
Beyond its use of sexual violence, Boko Haram manipulated economic systems to fund its operations and consolidate power. The group capitalised on the region’s economic marginalisation, exploiting local resources and coercing communities into compliance.
Women were central to these processes, whether as labourers, sources of ransom through kidnappings, or tools for trafficking networks.
Read more: Militarisation’s hidden toll: Increased intimate partner violence in Mexico’s war on drugs
The group’s governance within its self-declared caliphate further entrenched these economic exploitations. By controlling local economies and redistributing resources, Boko Haram created a system that mirrored traditional patriarchal structures, where women’s roles were limited to servitude and reproduction.
These economic strategies sustained the group and reinforced the gendered hierarchies underpinning its ideology.
Unintended consequences of Boko Haram’s gendered strategies
Although Boko Haram’s tactics caused widespread devastation, it also triggered unintended consequences that undermined the group’s objectives.
Notably, the group’s actions led to increased resistance from women, amplified awareness of gender-based violence, and a shift in humanitarian and community responses.
Women as agents of resistance
Contrary to expectations, women in northeastern Nigeria demonstrated remarkable agency in resisting Boko Haram. Playing on societal perceptions of vulnerability, women aided men in escaping attacks, crossing borders, and evading the group’s control.
Their actions highlighted the resilience and resourcefulness of those often viewed solely as victims. These acts of resistance not only disrupted Boko Haram’s operations, but also challenged the gendered narratives the group sought to impose.
Increased awareness and strengthening community resilience
The kidnapping of the Chibok girls drew international attention to the region, particularly regarding sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). It created a global sensation and an international hashtag, #bringbackourgirls, to campaign for the girls’ release.
This heightened awareness spurred humanitarian interventions that focused on addressing the immediate needs of survivors while also tackling the structural inequalities that Boko Haram exploited.
Community-based interventions began to prioritise the prevention of SGBV and the empowerment of women, fostering a shift in societal attitudes and reducing the stigma faced by survivors.
The insurgency’s actions inadvertently galvanised communities to confront harmful practices and norms. Local voices advocating for gender equity grew stronger, supported by international advocacy and humanitarian efforts.
This shift weakened the fear and terror that Boko Haram relied on as communities became more unified in their resistance and support for survivors.
Academia’s role in addressing CRSV in terrorism
Academic institutions have a critical role to play in addressing conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) in terrorism. By fostering interdisciplinary research, universities can better-understand the intersections of gender, power, and economy within such conflicts.
This research is essential for informing evidence-based policies and interventions.
Academic institutions are uniquely positioned to contribute significantly to documenting the experiences of CRSV survivors. Through research, they provide evidence-based insights into violence’s prevalence, causes and impacts while amplifying the voices of communities and their stories.
This documentation provides a basis for justice and accountability, and informs the design of survivor-centred interventions. Researchers can uncover patterns and develop targeted strategies to prevent future occurrences by analysing these accounts.
It also provides a space for critical reflection, allowing students and faculty to challenge societal norms and explore solutions.
Building local capacity
Centres such as the Australian Research Council (ARC) Centre of Excellence for the Elimination of Violence against Women (CEVAW) collaborate with local researchers and practitioners in affected regions, equipping them with the tools and knowledge needed to effectively address CRSV.
They undertake indigenous-led capacity-building initiatives, ensuring interventions are culturally-sensitive and locally driven.
Such partnerships with policymakers, humanitarian organisations, grassroots movements, and academic institutions translate into actionable research findings.
By aligning theoretical insights with practical applications, academia can drive systemic change and contribute to building resilient communities.
Promoting gender equity and long-term solutions
Addressing CRSV requires more than immediate interventions; it demands a commitment to challenging the structural inequalities that underpin such violence.
Institutions like CEVAW can promote gender equity through advocacy, curriculum development, and community engagement. By fostering a culture of inclusivity and equity, they can help dismantle the systems that enable CRSV.
The intersection of gender, power, and economic systems is central to understanding Boko Haram’s strategies and the broader implications of CRSV in terrorism. The group’s manipulation of gendered vulnerabilities underscores the need for a feminist political economy perspective in analysing such conflicts.
Read more: A United Nations roadmap to fighting back against femicide
At the same time, the unintended consequences of its actions reveal the resilience and agency of affected communities, particularly women.
Academic institutions are uniquely positioned to support these processes, providing the research, capacity-building, and advocacy needed to address CRSV effectively.
By prioritising interdisciplinary approaches and fostering collaboration, universities can contribute to a deeper understanding of the root causes of CRSV and develop sustainable solutions.
In doing so, they play a vital role in empowering communities to resist exploitation, rebuild resilience, and create a future free from the shadow of terror.
